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nature of their formations and variety of their dress appears, indeed, to be designed to obscure and confuse. Nonetheless, it is the assessment of the team that these forces were present during many of the operations described in the following sections of the report and, in particular, they appear to have maintained a strong presence in the western regions of Kosovo. Key to an understanding of the role of these forces is that "paramilitaries", as such, were not involved in the conflict, for every "soldier" operating in Kosovo was nominally incorporated into a formation of security forces within the responsibility of the Serbian authorities. Thus, unlike during the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia, no private armies were permitted. However, there is no doubt that many of the paramilitary groups which took part in the aforementioned conflicts, were, in fact, also involved in Kosovo and provided the substance of the JSO. Additionally, there appears to have been some overlapping between members of the SAJ and members of the JSO. Thus, witnesses to many of the operations by Serbian/FRY forces in Kosovo recount the presence of soldiers with "painted faces" and others with distinctive, large knives, or with shaven heads, or red scarves. This indicates different groups of "soldiers", with their own internal structure and hierarchy, brought in under the auspices of the JSO. It would further appear likely that these groups were involved in those operations which resulted in the more notorious atrocities of the conflict and, moreover, that the choice of a particular group for a specific operation would have been sufficient to indicate the level of destruction and/or loss of life that was required by those directing the campaign, without them having to give explicit orders. The one individual whose name arises many times as being a, or the, commander of the JSO in the Kosovo conflict is Franki Simatovic, whose men were designated "Frenki’s"22.

While it is not possible to further elaborate on the structure of the JSO, without more sophisticated, technical methods of information gathering, it is clear that they came under the overall authority of the then Chief of State security, Jovica Stanisic, who was also the National Security Adviser to President Milosevic of the FRY23. Indeed, it appears that, for a certain period of time, Stanisic was himself present in Kosovo, to maintain control over the diverse groupings within the JSO and ensure their co-ordination and co-operation with the other Serbian/FRY forces involved.

These MUP and State security forces themselves possessed considerable weaponry and equipment, but it is also the case that the Yugoslav Army ("VJ") was present in the interior of Kosovo, contrary to its constitutional role to protect the borders, and provided much in the way of support to the MUP, as well as conducting its own operations, particularly in the border regions. The VJ is a federal institution, born out of the previous Yugoslav National Army ("JNA") of the SFRY and now subject to the ultimate authority of the Supreme Defence Council, headed by the President of the FRY. At the time relevant to the present report, the VJ was comprised of 3 Armies and a Special Forces Corps, all under the formal command of the Chief of the VJ General Staff, Colonel General Momcilo Perisic. The territory of Kosovo comes within the area of responsibility of the 3rd Army, based in Nis, which was, in turn, under the command of Colonel General Dusan Samardzic. Within the


  1. In an interview with Human Rights Watch researchers, a Serbian policeman who had been active in Kosovo stated, "Frenki’s boys kill everything. Believe me, you do not want to see them." See, "A Week of Terror in Drenica: Humanitarian Law Violations in Kosovo", published by Human Rights Watch on 6 February 1999.
  2. Milosevic became President of the FRY in July 1997, after two terms as President of the Republic of Serbia